• Doug
    I thought the below article was interesting - especially the last paragraph where he ties it together with Taiwan.

    Bill

    China's Minority Problem
    By Richard Halloran

    The civil strife in the Xinjiang region of northwestern China has been a stark reminder that China, despite the economic, military, and diplomatic advances of the last three decades, is still a fragile empire that could break apart as it has periodically in the past.

    Fighting between Uighurs and Chinese armed with clubs, knives, and steel pipes left nearly 200 dead, 1000 injured, and the Communist Party alarmed. President Hu Jintao abruptly left a G8 economic summit in Italy to hurry home, the People's Armed Police flooded the streets of the provincial capital in Urumqi, and the government's news agency, Xinhua, and the party's newspaper, People's Daily, appealed for national unity.

    Beijing also sought to blame the US for the violence. China Daily, Beijing's English language newspaper, asserted that the US government "is massively intervening into the internal politics of China." The motive, the newspaper contended, arose from "the strategic location of Xinjiang" and its "importance for China's future economic and energy cooperation with Russia" and central Asian nations.

    China's 50-55 minorities (government figures differ) comprise less than eight percent of the nation's population but they are situated in critical areas along the country's periphery. Since the Han Dynasty 2000 years ago, China has conquered nations and tribes to assemble the empire of the 21st century. The uprising in Tibet before the Beijing Olympics in 2008 reflected a wider unrest among the non-Chinese in the border regions.

    Like the Uighurs, most of the minorities have their own languages and cultures and have not been integrated into Chinese society. The Uighurs are Muslims related to the Tajiks, Kazakhs, and other Turkic people of central Asia. Some Uighurs, like some Tibetans, seek independence from China but most would appear to be satisfied with more autonomy and less control from Beijing.

    Read More Commentary and Analysis on China at Around The World!

    Perhaps the most intense grievance the Tibetans, Uighurs, and other minorities have is that mainstream Chinese, with government and party encouragement, have been moving into Tibet and Xinjiang. These Chinese control local governments, have preference in jobs, and generally look down on the minorities.

    Gideon Rachman, who writes about foreign affairs in the Financial Times in Britain, says "China's emotional and affronted reaction to the upheavals in Xinjiang is typical of an empire under challenge." He writes: "China is especially ill-equipped to understand ethnic nationalism within its borders because many government officials simply do not accept, or even grasp, the idea of "'self-determination.'"

    "Yet the idea that Tibet and Xinjiang could aspire to be separate nations is by no means absurd," he says. Both experienced independence in the 20th century, he notes, pointing to a short-lived East Turkestan Republic in Xinjiang that was extinguished by the People's Liberation Army in 1949 and de facto independence in Tibet between 1912 and 1949.

    Arthur Waldron, a scholar at the University of Pennsylvania who specializes in Chinese affairs, agreed but argued that Beijing's "biggest problems are with the Chinese - or Han - population. The thousands of demonstrations reported every year are overwhelmingly Han; dissent is spearheaded by the Han, and most importantly, given that the most powerful jobs in government and the most important roles in society are in their hands, the Han are the group that can make or break the communist government."

    Several years ago in a tea shop in Shanghai, a Chinese editor drew a connection between the issue of Taiwan and the minorities in China. "I think Taiwan should be part of China," she said, "but it's not worth fighting over. What I worry about, if we let Taiwan go, then the Tibetans and the Uighurs and maybe others will want to leave China."

    "If that happens," she lamented, "what will happen to my country?"

    ----------------------------------------------

    Bill,

    I bet there must have been a scene like this in Russia decades ago:

    Several years ago in a fur shop in St. Petersburg, a Russian editor drew a connection between the issue of Georgia and the minorities in Russia. "I think Georgia should be part of Russia," she said, "but it's not worth fighting over. What I worry about, if we let Georgia go, then the Ukrainians and the Belorussians and maybe others will want to leave Russia."

    "If that happens," she lamented, "what will happen to my country?"



    Well, it did happen. Oh,yeah~

     

    Regards,
    Douglas Jiang(Chiang)

  • The Road Less Traveled by

    Robert Frost wrote in his poem, The Road Not Taken: “I shall be telling this with a sigh somewhere ages and ages hence: Two roads diverged in a wood, and I, I took the one less traveled by, and that has made all the difference(Frost 6). One has to make the big decision based on the role the destiny assigned to him or her. A defining characteristic of people is the degree to which they are willing to break out of their comfort zone to risk the unknown. Old habits and well honed skills give great comfort to any individual, but new personal challenges build character and allow one to grow as a real person. I believe that a person should definitely fight for personal freedom under a highly fixed education system and get rid of it if possible. In fact, I once took a great risk in my decision to study here. I chose this way to live my life, because I think it is a better way to reach self-improvement.

    Before I became determined to study in the U.S., I had been accepted into Sun Yat-Sen University, which is one of the best universities in the mainland of China. Sun Yat-Sen University does have a good reputation. While this university is not the number 1 school in China, it is among the top 10 and is highly regarded. It was founded by Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, the founder of The Republic of China, and both The Communist Party and The Kuomintang regard him as the founding father of China. It is located in Guangzhou, one of the most developed big cities in China and near Hong Kong. Many of my friends, relatives and schoolmates felt most confused with my decision to quit that university. Yet in the beginning, Sun Yat-Sen University was founded mirroring the universities in the U.S., as Dr. Sun Yat-Sen himself was always trying to make China a republic imitating America. In fact, the main campus. of Sun Yat-Sen was designed by an American architect in the 1920s. Even today the style of the architecture on that campus. is quite similar to UC.

    Things are totally different now. When I began my military training before my first term at Sun Yat-Sen started, I felt proud and even a little bit superior for the superficial brilliance of my school. But what I experienced afterwards disappointed me. They depressed me. Nearly all the administrative staff wanted to make students obey their direction and control U.S. The whole education system was highly fixed. They did not have a sense of service and did not care for our individual development. For example, the school often forced U.S. to attend some meaningless and boring assemblies and lectures just to make the leaders have a sense of importance. And the reason they gave U.S. was “As you are freshman, you must have plenty of leisure time, so you all have to be here!” Students could not be absent, for they would call the roll. The most ridiculous thing was that they would lock the door or have the teachers watch at the exits to prevent U.S. from skipping. So the most common case was that we had to sit there listening to tedious doctrines about the willpower of the Party and even some ads of some product or service sometimes. We were sleepy and uncomfortable. In fact we never had any idea about what we were listening to; we just sat there with nothing in mind. It was a waste of life and time!

    Anther thing in Sun Yat-Sen University that really spoiled my life was the highly limited freedom of expression. My major in Sun Yat-Sen was international politics, so I had political science courses. When I first got my political science textbook, I was most excited as the textbook was translated from the American college textbook. Naturally, there were chapters talking about authoritarianism and totalitarianism in my textbook. At that moment, I got confused when I read those chapters. I could not tell the detailed differences between the authoritarian regime and totalitarian regime. I solely had a pure alchemical question without any concerns about the politics. The professor, however, skipped those chapters. Then, I questioned the professor in class about my confusion. At the end of my asking, one idea suddenly flashed into my mind; I blurted out: “How to define our country?” To my disappointment, the professor appeared very helter-skelter and refused to answer my questions. He just talked something else to kill the time. To my shock, the committee of Communist Youth League in my college warned me seriously afterwards. They said if I continued in “promoting the Right-Wing arguments,” I would be kicked out of the college possibly. Another sad thing was almost none of my classmates who were also in political majors had any idea about what I was questioning that day. They even sneered at my confusion on those “trivial topics which can not contribute to the final grade.” I did hate to stay with those ignorant guys.

    So I decided to study somewhere else. When I skipped some classes because I did master that knowledge and had to prepare for the IELTS test and to deal with other troublesome procedures for applying to universities in the U.S., the teacher warned me severely. I just felt that I was fighting with the whole the whole fixed teaching system in Sun Yat-Sen. Well, I do not now how to describe the exact feeling when I skipped those classes. I think it was a mixture of anger and the large change of rebelliousness and perhaps retaliation. To frustrate me more, many of my classmates in Sun Yat-Sen would censure me for my absence of those foolish assemblies and lectures. They would criticize that I had no group consciousness. Lacking the identification from my peers, I had to suffer being isolated. Maybe those classmates censuring me thought this authoritarian university was fine. For my absence I had to make excuses and say I was sick or things like that. I did not dare study in the library, to prevent teachers from finding me. Often it was the case that I was the only person in the dorm. In fact, I took a risk to be punished for my skipping. But I had to do it for my IELTS study.

    After I had received the admission letter from UC and successfully obtained the Visa, I did feel a sense of achievement but still could not be relaxed. I felt very nervous when I knocked on the door of the office of the dean and finally handed in my application to quit Sun Yat-Sen University. I came to the Administration Building while all other students in my college were taking classes in the teaching district. It was a little bit scary to me when I entered the quiet hall alone. Even though I had made an appointment with the dean on the phone, the meeting could be a hard time for me. As a matter of fact, it took me the whole morning to get through on the phone, for the phone was always busy. I had no idea what to say when I was making the appointment. Fortunately, the person at the front desk did not care about it at all. I had to watch what I said and be humble because, in China, the person in charge often regards himself as the emperor of the school, the group and so on. If one student offends him, he may spare no effort raising difficulties for him or her and there is nothing that person can do. As I had paid the fee for one year but just spent three months there, I wanted to get the remaining money back. So I had to be careful.

    After I knocked, the dean said I could come in. He sat behind the wide desk with some documents in hand. The dean was a serious elderly man with thin shoulders. He did not wear his glasses until I gave him my application. I will never forget the shocked expression of the dean. He adjusted the collar of his grey suit and then asked me why. My explanation was I thought the education system in the U.S. suited me better. Before he lowered his head to scan all my documents for a while, he gazed at me for a couple of seconds. I did not know how to describe that expression in his eyes. It seemed that he felt he was humiliated. I just stood by without saying anything. Finally, he took off his glasses and signed at the bottom of my application. He said, “Ok, and all these documents have to be sent to the headmasters’ council to be checked again. It will take a few days for all the procedures.” I was trying to control my excitement and answered: “That’s fine; my parents will deal with the procedures coming next.” From the moment I got out of the dean’s office, I was no longer a student in Sun Yat-Sen University. I took the risk of quitting for they might have refused to give me the money back or would raise tremendous. Barriers like to refuse to offer me the transcripts from Sun Yat-Sen or other certification documents.

    My risk taking experience was not finished. As I mentioned above, I began my risk taking experience when I made the decision to go to school in the U.S. I was nervous. Then because if I had not received any admission letters from the universities in the U.S. or just failed to get a Visa, I would have found it hard to catch up with the pace of teaching. I even may have failed to have the grade at the end of the term in Sun Yat-Sen University for I had skipped almost all the meaningless classes, such as classes about the spirit and willpower of the Party. If that had been true, I would have been expelled and had no school to attend, which would have been a disaster. Now, I cannot go back to the university in China, either.

    Even though I had to deal with so many procedures as an international student, I do believe that I have made the right choice. I would, however, feel uncomfortable if I had not left. In China, for my major, international politics, there were generally two paths for me. One path is to be the staff in Chinese government being humble and careful everyday, the other is to achieve postgraduate study to get a Master degree or a PhD and then be a teacher in Sun Yat-Sen, forced to teach students what the Party wants me to say. In my opinion, both these two paths are unacceptable. So I chose to leave. The most important part is I can be what I was created to be, not what I was forced to be anymore. I can be myself here.

        Quoted from Whitman, “O ME! O life!... of the questions of these recurring; Of the endless trains of the faithless—of cities fill’d with the foolish; Of myself forever reproaching myself, (for who more foolish than I, and who more faithless?)  Of eyes that vainly crave the light—of the objects mean—of the struggle ever renew’d;  Of the poor results of all—of the plodding and sordid crowds I see around me;   Of the empty and Useless years of the rest—with the rest me intertwined;  The question, O me! So sad, recurring—What good amid these, O me, O life?” (Whitman 116). As Whitman answered himself, the answer of the question above is “That you are here--that life exists, and identity; That the powerful play goes on, and you will contribute a verse” (Whitman 116). I think that means one has to seize the day and make his life extraordinary. One should never stand a corrupted environment which keeps eroding the dimension of concepts like dream, hope and freedom! Because we human beings are food of worms, one day we will stop breathing, turn cold and die. So, one can never wait until it is too late to make from his life even one iota of what he is capable. That is the reasoning for my solution for the authoritarian university system in the mainland of China. I don’t want myself be damaged there and become a fertilizing daffodil surrounded by sneers and misunderstandings.

    Work Cited

    Frost, Robert. Mountain Interval, New York: Henry Host, 1920.

    Whitman, Walt. Leaves of Grass, Philadelphia: David McKay, 1900.

  • 今天稍稍普及下集權主義權力運行的一般過程。集權主義和極權主義是兩個概念。簡而言之,極權主義喜歡用“洗腦——控制精神”這張魔法卡,而且也有使用這張卡片的現代技術設備。也就是說,極權主義甚于集權主義。咳,我也只配做無聊的普及工作了,淚奔ing 現在開始講故事明太祖朱元璋出身貧民,因此對百姓的疾苦記憶猶新。他當皇帝後,一方面為了打擊官吏的貪贓枉法,另一方面也為了樹立自己的絕對權威,對貪官污吏的 懲治採取了空前絕後的嚴酷手段。他規定官吏貪贓額滿六十兩的一律斬首示眾,還要將皮剝下,中間塞上草,製成一具皮囊。他把府、州、縣衙門左面的土地廟作為 剝人皮的場所,稱為皮場廟。又在官府公座的兩側各掛上一具皮囊,使辦公的官員隨時提心吊膽,不敢再犯法。他還採用挑斷腳筋、剁手指、砍腳、斷手、鉤腸、割 生殖器等酷刑。有時還讓犯貪污罪的官吏服刑後繼續任職,充當反面教員。他還屢興大案,如洪武十八年戶部侍郎郭恒貪污案,牽連被殺的就有萬餘人。結果鬧到最後考上來的生員都被殺光了,只好讓那些還沒被殺頭的官員自己戴著腳鐐在臺上判案。一句話,臺上台下,都是罪犯。很有情趣,很朱鎔基。嗯,當然也和朱镕基的反腐一樣勞而無功,就像貝吉塔自爆想滅掉魔人普烏,結果普烏很牛逼地再度復活一樣。 朱元璋又把官吏的傣祿定得出奇的低,為什麽呢?其實原因也很腦殘:因為我們大明的官員都是讀過圣人書的君子嘛,那君子自然是不愛財的。如洪武二十五年確定的文武百官的年俸,最高的正一品只有一千四十四石(米,部分折成錢支付),最低的從九品為六十石,未入流的為三十六石。例如一省之長的布政使是從二品,知府是正四品,知縣是正七品,年俸分別為五百七十六石、二百八十八石和九十石。相當於全國最高學府校長的國子監祭酒是從四品,年俸是二百五十二石。值得注意的是,按照慣例,官員的部分幕僚、隨從的報酬和部分辦公費是要在年俸中開支的,所以官員們依靠正常的俸祿無法過上舒適的生活,低級官員更連養家活口都有困難。相比之下,皇子封為親王後年俸有一萬石,是最高官員的近七倍,還不包括其他各種賞賜。所以請大家聯想說CCP講黨員先進性教育和黨風建設就可以遏制腐敗,你信么?體制內的監督肯定萎靡,腐敗與反腐的權力本身同源。君子口號喊了那么多年,君子沒幾個,偽君子一堆。包拯的故事多是民間傳說,暫且不論。就算海瑞那個愣頭青很牛逼,也無非就是給大明王朝當當道德偶像。嗯,特例和典型相混淆,有利於維護社會穩定,比如鄭培民,比如《感動中國》。國家昏亂才有忠臣嘛,嘿嘿。     由于官員的正常收入太低,所以儘管朱元璋懲治的措施十分嚴厲,貪污還是屢禁不絕,不過與明朝以後的情況相比,當時的吏治畢竟是比較清廉的。但在這位開國皇帝 去世以後,後繼者既不具備這樣的權威來執行如此嚴厲的法律,也沒有興趣來對付越來越普遍的貪污現象。而且稍有作為的皇帝明知低俸祿的弊病,但又不能更改太祖高皇帝的制度。昏庸的皇帝自己沉溺于奢侈享樂,除了朝廷的正常開支外,還經常要大臣們貢獻,自然不會管他們的錢從哪裡來了。 其實這種例子很常見,歷史上一切強權人物,無論是漢武帝還是克倫威爾,他自己所獲得的巨大權力即無法制度化也無法放棄,因為根本不存在有效的權力監督機制。因為權力的獲得與保持本身主要就是依賴強權人物的個人威望和政治手腕。華國鋒拼命模仿毛太祖揮手,不一樣被趕下臺?這種無法被社會契約控制的巨大權力不斷膨脹,只會導致整個權力運行機制的紊亂,比如對口部門云云。要掌權者自己放權?換成你你愿意么? 這就是中國式王朝更替的由來,拼命轉圈圈,就是不前進。換個和諧點的表述,就是瞎了眼的黃炎培提的“周期律”,或者也可以套用下“甲申三百年祭”。打字太麻煩了,大家自己聯想。  
        明朝初年以後,大小官吏貪污成風,幾乎無人不在俸祿以外設法搞錢,真正的清官就相當拮据。海瑞最後二年多任南京右都禦史的年俸是七百三十二石,是高級官員中 第三位的高薪,但相當多的下屬是要由他支付薪水的,可以肯定他不會讓下屬去辦三產賺錢,而他自己連子女都沒有,生活又如此節約,死後卻毫無積蓄,可見 官員們靠正常收入是無法維持生活的。顯然要讓一般官員這樣嚴格地遵守本來就不合理的俸祿制度,既不合情理,也是完全不可能的。所以奸臣贓官自然不用說,就 是一些在歷史有影響的人物,也免不了廣為聚斂。明末堅持抗清,不屈不撓,最後在桂林慷慨就義的瞿式耜,在家鄉常熟卻是一名貪贓枉法的劣紳。清軍攻下南京 後,江南名流、東林領袖錢謙益率文官投降,為了表示自己的廉潔,向清軍統帥多鐸送了一份最薄的禮品,也有包括鎏金壺、銀壺、玉杯及古玩等在內的二十種;其 他大臣的禮物大多價值萬兩以上。明朝的權臣和太監迫害政敵或清流常用的手段就是給對方栽上貪贓”“受賄的罪名,這固然出於誣陷,他也說明當時像海瑞這 樣的官實在太少,就是清流們也不能免俗,要說他們貪污再容易不過。    
        可是在名義上,太祖高皇帝定下的法律從來沒有更改過,至多只能稍作些修正。如正統五年(一四四○年)就有人提出:洪武年間物價便宜,所以定下枉法贓滿一百二 十貫免除絞刑充軍;現在物價貴了,再按這樣的標準就太重了,建議改為八百貫以上。到海瑞時又有一百多年了,卻沒有聽說將標準再提高。看來並不是物價沒有上 漲,而是這些法律已經成了空文,修改不修改無所謂了。海瑞建議要恢復明太祖的嚴刑,對貪官剝皮,不僅議者以為非,就是皇帝也覺得太過分;說明法不罰 眾,到了大家都把俸祿以外的收入當作正常財源時,就是朱元璋再生也只能徒喚無奈了。海瑞只想用嚴刑肅貪,卻沒有提出消除貪污的積極辦法,除了招致更多的怨恨外,必定也是於事無補的。說白了,殺幾個陳良宇一樣沒用。有同學認為兩漢和唐宋的政府體系比較牛逼,比如分權,比如御史臺。我大漢一記。首先,御史除非全家都死光了,敢那么不要命么?他自己的權力一樣源自皇權,頂多就是提點“老爺,您的衣服臟了”之類的屁話。至於某些不怕死的所謂的“中國人的脊梁”。8好意思,那是特例,請不要再跟典型混淆。至於秘折之類的特務作風,我就講一個例子。大家都知道漢初設刺史是爲了監察,無非就是低級小官,當時的思想是“官小大”,結果到了漢末刺史變成了“內領民政,外統兵馬”的封疆大吏。這就是集權制度內的所謂監察力量的究級體形態,很好很強大。更不用說什麽巡撫,總督之類的粑粑東東,搞得權力機制更加混亂不堪,然後文官系統進一步膨脹。今日所謂的反貪局,中紀委等等,嘿嘿,走著瞧吧。空降紀委書記真牛逼。 以上是關於集權主義機制下權力運行的一點扯淡,那么極權主義下會怎樣?大家自己回家看黨國新聞吧。我什麼都不知道。